Sexta-feira, 28 de Dezembro de 2007
Mencken sobre Lincoln, escravatura e liberdade
H.L. Mencken on Abraham Lincoln

Nothing alarmed him more than the suspicion that he was an Abolitionist, and Barton tells of an occasion when he actually fled town to avoid meeting the issue squarely. An Abolitionist would have published the Emancipation Proclamation the day after the first battle of Bull Run. But Lincoln waited until the time was more favorable—until Lee had been hurled out of Pennsylvania, and more important still, until the political currents were safely funning his way. Even so, he freed the slaves in only a part of the country: all the rest continued to clank their chains until he himself was an angel in Heaven.

(...)

The Gettysburg speech is at once the shortest and the most famous oration in American history. Put beside it, all the whoopings of the Websters, Sumners and Everetts seem gaudy and silly It is eloquence brought to a pellucid and almost gem-like perfection—the highest emotion reduced to a few poetical phrases. Nothing else precisely like it is to be found in the whole range of oratory. Lincoln himself never even remotely approached it. It is genuinely stupendous.

But let us not forget that it is poetry, not logic; beauty, not sense. Think of the argument in it. Put it into the cold words of everyday. The doctrine is simply this: that the Union soldiers who died at Gettysburg sacrificed their lives to the cause of self-determination—"that government of the people, by the people, for the people," should not perish from the earth. It is difficult to imagine anything more untrue. The Union soldiers in that battle actually fought against self-determination; it was the Confederates who fought for the right of their people to govern themselves. What was the practical effect of the battle of Gettysburg? What else than the destruction of the old sovereignty of the States, i.e., of the people of the States? The Confederates went into battle free; they came out with their freedom subject to the supervision and veto of the rest of the country—and for nearly twenty years that veto was so effective that they enjoyed scarcely more liberty, in the political sense, than so many convicts in the penitentiary.


publicado por André Alves
link do poste | comentar
Categorias:

Comentários:
De Tiago Galvão a 29 de Dezembro de 2007 às 11:38
Excelente. Infelizmente, não tenho o Prejudices.

Um abraço,
Tiago.


De André Azevedo Alves a 29 de Dezembro de 2007 às 17:56
"Excelente."

Quase tudo o que Mencken escreveu é excelente, mesmo quando se discorda (o que não é o meu caso aqui).


De Anonymous a 29 de Dezembro de 2007 às 01:08
While I was at the hotel to-day, an elderly gentleman called upon me to know whether I was really in favor of producing perfect equality between the negroes and white people. While I had not proposed to myself on this occasion to say much on that subject, yet as the question was asked me, I thought I would occupy perhaps five minutes in saying something in regard to it. I will say then that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races, that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of making voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to intermarry with white people; and I will say in addition to this that there is a physical difference between the white and black races which I believe will forever forbid the two races living together on terms of social and political equality.

Abraham Lincoln, 1958
http://www.bartleby.com/251/41.html


My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save or to destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave I would do it

Abraham Lincoln, 1962
http://showcase.netins.net/web/creative/lincoln/speeches/greeley.htm


De Pierluigi Trotinete a 29 de Dezembro de 2007 às 05:52
André, será que o você tem uma bandeira dos confederados na sua sala ???


Comentar post

pub
pesquisar
 
linques
blogs SAPO